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      • Open Access Article

        1 - Comparative Study of the Analytical and Methodological Frameworks of Oil Studies and Politics
        سعید  میرترابی
        This paper aims to show that, during the past four decades, the literature on Rentier State, contrary to popular opinion, has not been consistent, whether in content or in methodology. Based on their methodological framework, the studies have been classified into two d More
        This paper aims to show that, during the past four decades, the literature on Rentier State, contrary to popular opinion, has not been consistent, whether in content or in methodology. Based on their methodological framework, the studies have been classified into two distinct types. The first generation of studies emerged in 1970s, but their failure at explaining the situation of oil-rich countries and clarifying the consequences of fall in oil incomes sever criticisms. The criticisms in connection with the first wave of the studies provided a ground to revise the methodology, and the way of conceptualizing foreign rents and their assessments. This resulted, particularly since 1990s, in the second wave of studies a wave that could be considered as revisionism. This approach brought new variables into the studies. It paid more attention to the historical background of oil-rich countries and the historical periods when oil incomes raised (with respect to the various stages of formation of the government and the regime in power). It focused on the interrelationship between oil rent and social and political condition of these countries, avoiding structural look to the oil rents. Some of the supporters of the new approach proposed new criteria for evaluation of oil incomes. This approach offered the possibility of more complex analyses, especially in the areas of political stability and democratic transition in the oil-rich countries, analyses that better explain different experiences of the oil-dependant states. Manuscript profile
      • Open Access Article

        2 - A Critical Study of Class-based Analysis about Election Behavior of New Middle Class (Iran’s Presidential Elections Seventh (1995) and Ninth (2003) Periods)
        سعید میرترابی سيد مهدي  ميرعباسي
        Between 1995 and 2003 many of critical factors for development of new middle class like economic growth, expansion of cities, improvement of education and literacy,development of political institutions and state bureaucracy and so… continued to growth and, as a result, More
        Between 1995 and 2003 many of critical factors for development of new middle class like economic growth, expansion of cities, improvement of education and literacy,development of political institutions and state bureaucracy and so… continued to growth and, as a result, we can expect for a larger middle class in this period. On the other hand, in many of class-based analyses about presidential elections results in 1995 and 1999 in Iran, scholars focused on new and recently developed middle class role in shaping election results and victories of slogans about political development. But in presidential election in 2003 (in first round) candidate who represents political development slogans lost and in second round despite of heavily rally of Reformists in support of rival candidate, winner candidate has no any relation to political wishes that usually respect to new middle class. The article, tries to explain this dilemma and shows that ”there is a structural condition that can called “Rentier state” economic structure in Iran that constrains class-based analyses in explaining election behavior of new middle class and in forecasting election results.Wecannot stress heavily on factors that relate to quantitative expansion of middle class and its role on shaping elections wishes of different groups in society.”The article stresses on structural factors related to political economy of oil in shaping social layers in oil rich countries and shows how these factors help shaping a special middle class that necessarily have not those characteristics and wishes that is relate to this social group in standard theories of political development. Manuscript profile
      • Open Access Article

        3 - The Formation of Rentier State and its Impact on the Collapse of the Second Pahlavi Regime
         
        Aiming to survey how the increase in oil revenue influenced on the collapse of the second Pahlavi regime, the present article is formed based on the theory of “rentier state”. In this regard, the paper maintains that considering Mohammad-Reza`s government as a rentier s More
        Aiming to survey how the increase in oil revenue influenced on the collapse of the second Pahlavi regime, the present article is formed based on the theory of “rentier state”. In this regard, the paper maintains that considering Mohammad-Reza`s government as a rentier state would allow to conceive its structure and the ultimate decay. According to the theory, such description might be applicable to those states which a large majority of their overall revenue comes from regular foreign revenue rather than national production cycle. Such performance, negatively affecting the economic, social and political realm of the society, is much likely to end up in the legitimacy crisis and the collapse of the state itself. Accordingly, having become a rentier state from late1950s on, due to the rise in oil revenue, the second Pahlavi reign encountered some negative impact of such situation on its economy, politics, and society, which, all in all, had de-stabilizing effects on regime. Ever-increasing governmental domination over the economy, rise in the proportion of oil-driven revenues in governmental budget and development policies, a more autocrat king, extension of security/ intelligence services and, consequently, a more political oppression, taking control the society by bureaucracy, prevalence of financial corruption and promotion of rent-seeking ethos, and propagating the formal/ government-run culture by the regime are some of the most significant such effects. Hence, this situation caused to a gap between government and the people, their distrust in regime as an illegitimate one, and, consequently, contributed to its collapse in 1979. To explain the data, the present paper takes advantage of a descriptive-analytic method Manuscript profile