برساخت «دیگری» و «خشونت» در زمینه و پارادایم زبانیِ اسلام¬گرایان رادیکال
محورهای موضوعی : • ادبیات و اندیشه سیاسی
محمدجواد غلامرضاکاشی
1
,
مهدی بخشی
2
1 - دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، ایران
2 - دانشجوی دکتری دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران
کلید واژه: متن, خشونت, تاریخ¬نگاری, جان پوکاک, پارادایم زبانی.,
چکیده مقاله :
در ساحت اندیشۀ سیاسی، مفاهیم از جمله ابزار عمدة معنابخشی به جهان واقع و به عبارتی عرصۀ پراکسیس هستند که با عنایت به تغییر کاربرد آنها، همواره در حال تغییر و تحول هستند. تکفیر و جهاد در اسلام از جمله مفاهیمی است که تغییر معانی و کارکردهای آنها، تبعاتی در حوزه نظر و عمل، به‌ویژه برای اسلامگرایان رادیکال داشته است. بر همین اساس نشان دادن چگونگی ظهور خشونتآمیز جریان اسلامگرای رادیکال، به واسطه تحولات ایجادشده در این مفاهیم و در رابطه با «دیگری»، دغدغه پژوهش حاضر است. هدف مقاله، نشان دادن تحول نگاه اسلامگرایان رادیکال نسبت به «دیگری» و تأثیر این تحول بر هویت و عملکرد جریان موسوم به تکفیری- جهادی در به‌کارگیری خشونت است. روش مقاله، تاریخنگاری «جان پوکاک» است که به تفسیر و تحلیل زبان در بافت سیاسی میپردازد. از منظر این رویکرد، برای فهم اندیشه سیاسی باید از سویی به بررسی زمینة شکلگیری اندیشه بپردازیم و از سوی دیگر، پارادایم زبانیِ مسلط شناسایی و مؤلفههای تشکیلدهندة آن استخراج شود. البته تلاش خواهد شد تا این عناصر از طریق تحلیل محتوای متون رهبران اسلامگرای رادیکال به دست آید. یافتههای مقاله نشان میدهد که پارادایم زبانی اسلامگرایان رادیکال، «دیگریستیزی» یا «تکفیر دیگری» است. نتیجه نهایی مقاله این است که در یک رابطة سلسلهمراتبی با «دیگری»، اسلامگرایان رادیکال در یک دیدگاه جهانی و آخرالزمانی، دنیا را به دو اردوگاه «اسلامی» و «جاهلی» میان «خود» و «دیگری» تقسیم کرده و برای پاک کردن جاهلیت از روی زمین، دست به خشونت زده و خواهان حذف «دیگری» شدهاند.
In the field of political thought, concepts are among the main means of giving meaning to the real world, in other words, the field of praxis, which are always changing and evolving due to the change in their use. Takfir and Jihad in Islam are among the concepts whose meanings and functions have changed and had consequences in the field of opinion and practice, especially for radical Islamists. Based on this, showing how the violent emergence of the radical Islamist current, due to the changes created in these concepts and in relation to the "other", is the concern of the present research. The purpose of the article is to show the evolution of radical Islamists' view of "the other" and the impact of this evolution on the identity and performance of the so-called Takfiri-Jihad movement in the use of violence. The method of the article is John Pocock's historiography, which deals with the interpretation and analysis of language in the political context. The findings of the article show that the linguistic paradigm of radical Islamists is "anti-otherness" or "denial of the other". The final result of the article is that in a hierarchical relationship with "the other", radical Islamists in a global and apocalyptic perspective divide the world into two camps, "Islamic" and "Ignorant", between "themselves" and "the other". Divided and to erase ignorance from the face of the earth, they resorted to violence and demanded the removal of "the other".
Keywords: text, violence, historiography, John Pocock, linguistic paradigm.
Introduction
The issue of violence, and especially violence by radical Islamists, has sparked extensive, far-reaching, and controversial debates over the past half century, the dimensions and scope of which have been greatly enriched by the formation of various works and theories. Among these existing works and theories, one can observe a diverse and sometimes contradictory set of views on violence by radical Islamists. Despite such efforts, what causes ambiguity in understanding this phenomenon is the fluid and ambiguous nature of concepts such as takfir and jihad in Islam, which have become the subject of violence by radical Islamists. The extent and scope of their violence against the "other" and their adherence to sacred concepts have caused many non-religious people and even religious people to flee, escape, and sometimes distance themselves from Islam. In this regard, the concern of the present study is to show how the radical Islamist movement emerged violently, through the changes created in the concepts of takfir and jihad in the relationship between theory and practice and in relation to the “other”.
Research Questions
The main question of this study is “What is the relationship between the change in radical Islamists’ view of the “other” and their violent actions?” However, in addition to this, several sub-questions can also be presented:
- What changes have radical Islamists’ view of the “other” undergone?
- What were the underlying factors influencing the change in radical Islamists’ view of the “other”?
- What effect has the change in the view of the “other” had on the behavior and actions of radical Islamists?
- Theoretical and methodological framework
In the twentieth century, language became the focus of philosophical reflections. From these philosophical reflections, major philosophical schools have emerged, such as the analytical philosophy of language in Germany and the English-speaking world, hermeneutics in Germany and then in France, and structural linguistics in France. These three streams of thought have brought about developments in various branches of the humanities. Under the influence of hermeneutics, the field of history of concepts was established with ReinhardKozelek in Germany; with Michel Foucault, the method of discourse analysis was created in France, and in the English-speaking world, the Cambridge School of the historiography of political thought was established (see Rorty, 1992). Although the methodology of the Cambridge School, and especially the methodology of John Pocock, can be used in various fields of political science, it can be more useful in the field of political thought. His method can be considered a kind of approach between contextualist hermeneutics and discourse that deals with the interpretation and analysis of language in a political context. Moreover, his theory is both a method and a theory. In order to understand the violent emergence of radical Islamism, one must also consider the historical context of its emergence in addition to the text. In general, Pocock's methodology claims that the history of thought shows the changes made in languages, discourses, and paradigms that past peoples have used through competition among themselves.
Discussion and interpretation of research findings
In general, the examination of the stages constituting the process of analyzing language in a political context in Pocock's methodology can be seen as answering the following five questions:
- In a discourse, how do writers use a term and how is this term repeated in different texts and contexts? (Pocock, 1986: 10)
- Which linguistic paradigm does the political thinker use? What is its conventional use? What does he do with that paradigm? And what happens to the paradigm and the intellectual tradition to which it belongs? (Pocock, 2016: 2)
- Whose discourse do listeners or readers engage with, and what effect does the action it sets in motion have on them? (Pocock, 1981: 67)
- What effect does the historical context have on the speech act? (Ibid. 68)
- How are the intentions and speech acts of the writers carried out, and what consequences do they have? (Pocock, 1987: 107-109)
Stage One: Ignorance and the Other
The first stage of the analysis seeks to answer the question of how writers use a term in a discourse and how this term is repeated in different texts and contexts. What is important for the present study is the genealogy of the term “ignorance”; what role the aforementioned concept has played in the crisis that has arisen in the Islamic world, how it has migrated and changed between different discourses, how radical Islamists have used it in different historical periods, and what role the “other” has played in its emergence.
Stage Two: The Linguistic Paradigm of “Other-ism”
The second stage is related to the linguistic paradigm; which linguistic paradigm does the political thinker use? What is its conventional use? What does he do with that paradigm? And what happens to the paradigm and the intellectual tradition to which it belongs? In this regard, and in the texts left by radical Islamists, which linguistic paradigm do they use? What consequences and fate has this paradigm had?
Stage Three: The Community and the “Other”
The third stage deals with the issue of whose discourse do listeners or readers connect with and what effect does the action this discourse initiates have? In this regard, how does the discourse of radical Islamists connect with Muslims, and what solution does their speech act offer to solve the crisis of the Islamic world and confront the “Other”?
Stage Four: The “Other” in Context
The fourth stage deals with the effect of context on thought: What effect does the historical context or background have on speech act? In this regard, and during the period of time examined in this study, what impact have the historical and political conditions of the Islamic world, and especially the Middle East region, had on the speech act of radical Islamists? If these conditions had not existed, would the aforementioned developments in “otherness” and “violence” have occurred?
Stage Five; Violence and the Other
The fifth stage analyzes the speech act of the writers; how were the intentions and speech acts of the writers implemented and what consequences did they entail? In this regard, what impact have the speech acts of radical Islamist writers had on the use of various forms of violence in the Islamic world?
Conclusion
The linguistic paradigm of radical Islamists is characterized by "other-phobia" or "takfir of the other," a paradigm that serves as a form of identity-seeking and confrontation with the "Other." Rather than being deeply rooted in Islamic traditions, this paradigm has been shaped by contextual influences and transformations in the perception of the "Other." Within this hierarchical relationship with the "Other," radical Islamists, adopting a global and apocalyptic worldview, divide the world into two opposing camps: the "Islamic" (Good) and the "Jahili" (Evil). To purge the world of jahiliyya, they resort to violence and seek the elimination of the "Other."
The speech acts of radical Islamists in eliminating the "Other" have manifested through discourses of resistance and supremacy. Sayyid Qutb articulated the discourse of resistance as a response to Western modernity, perceiving jahiliyya as a disease of modernity. To eradicate it and establish divine sovereignty, he called for the formation of a vanguard group that, akin to early Islam, must engage in jihad to eliminate jahiliyya. In this pursuit, he advocated for the eradication of existing civilizations through a form of divine violence. Subsequently, to abolish idolatry through mythological violence, he provided a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam, asserting the inevitability of establishing Islamic rule. Ultimately, through performative violence, he positioned the vanguard as the agent of this form of violence, calling upon them to wage jihad.
The linguistic paradigm of radical Islamists has been shaped within a specific context and has undergone transformations. This paradigm has manifested most prominently in the Middle East. Two contextual factors in the contemporary history of the Islamic world have played a significant role in shaping, consolidating, and altering this linguistic paradigm: modernity and the discord between tradition and modernity, and the fear of Shi‘a expansion. Modernity entered the Islamic world through colonialism, and since it revolted against all things traditional, it fostered an atmosphere of doubt, distrust, and disrespect between the two sides. Instead of fostering a relationship of engagement, this led to a relationship marked by hatred and violence.
The fear of Shi‘a expansion began in 1979, the year of the Iranian Islamic Revolution and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The idea of exporting the Shi‘a revolution by the newly established Islamic Republic of Iran, along with its anti-Western discourse, led Sunni-majority countries in the region and the West to form an unwritten alliance against Shi‘a Iran and the "Red Devils." In this indirect confrontation, they not only amplified Shi‘a-phobia but also propagated a conservative Wahhabi Islam that eventually merged with the ideas of Sayyid Qutb. Al-Qaeda emerged from such an ideological and geopolitical climate. The 2003 invasion of Iraq and the subsequent empowerment of Shi‘a factions after a long period of oppression and marginalization led Iraqi Shi‘as to adopt behaviors similar to their formerly dominant Sunni rulers. Amidst the ensuing political chaos, the weakness of the central government, Iran’s support for Iraqi Shi‘as, and the rise of the "Shi‘a Crescent" narrative provided fertile ground for radical Islamists to propagate their ideology. The discourse that emerged in this context pursued two main objectives: combating the Western "Other," i.e., foreign occupying forces, and transforming Shi‘as into the primary "Other." It was in this climate that ISIS emerged. Unlike al-Qaeda, which primarily targeted external "Others," ISIS focused more on "self-othering."
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