انقلاب اسلامي: رقابت آرمانشهر شاه و آرمانشهر انقلاب
محورهای موضوعی : پژوهش سیاست نظری
1 - دانشیار دانشکده مطالعات جهان، گروه مطالعات ایران، دانشکده مطالعات جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران
2 - دانشجوی دکتری دانشکده مطالعات جهان، گروه مطالعات ایران، دانشکده مطالعات جهان، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران
کلید واژه: آرمانشهر, امام خمینی, مطهری, شریعتی, پهلوی.,
چکیده مقاله :
انقلاب را میتوان رقابت آرمانشهرهایی دانست که از یکسو حکومت مستقر و از سوی دیگر مخالفان انقلابی برای تودههای مردم ترسیم میکنند. در سالهای منتهی به انقلاب اسلامی ایران، رژیم پهلوی، آیندهای روشن برای ایرانیان ترسیم میکرد و اندیشهگران انقلابی نیز به بیان دورنمایی از آینده پرداخته، آرمانشهرهایی شکل میدادند. در واقع انقلاب، رقابت بین این دو دسته آرمانشهر بود. از این منظر کمتر به انقلاب اسلامی ایران پرداخته شده است. پژوهش حاضر با اتکا بر نظریۀ «کارل مانهایم» دربارۀ «ایدئولوژی و آرمانشهر»، به بررسی و مقایسۀ آرمانشهرهای دو قطب متضاد اصلی در انقلاب اسلامی ایران یعنی محمدرضا پهلوی (حکومت) و نظریهپردازان انقلاب (امام خمینی، مرتضی مطهری و علی شریعتی) میپردازد. هدف این مطالعه، تحلیل نقش اندیشۀ آرمانشهری در شکلگیری انقلاب اسلامی و فهم تفاوتهای بنیادین میان این دو دسته آرمانشهر است. در این راستا مقاله میکوشد تا دریابد که تفاوت آرمانشهرهای این دو قطب و دلایل توفیق یا عدم توفیق آنها در جلب نظر تودههای مردم چه بود. نتایج پژوهش نشان میدهد که آرمانشهر نظریهپردازان انقلاب با ویژگیهایی چون رازآلودی و معنویت، انعطافپذیری در بیان، ماهیت انقلابی و ظرفیت بسیج مردمی، توانست نیروی محرکهای قدرتمند برای انقلاب فراهم آورد؛ در حالی که آرمانشهر شاه، هرچند دارای طرحی مدرن و متمرکز بر توسعه و تمدن بزرگ بود، به دلیل زمینی بودن، محدودیتهای ساختاری و فقدان بسیج مردمی، موفقیت مشابهی کسب نکرد. این پژوهش بر اهمیت توجه به اندیشۀ آرمانشهری در تحلیل انقلابها تأکید دارد و نشان میدهد که تفاوت در ماهیت و کارکرد آرمانشهرها میتواند عامل تعیینکنندهای در توفیق یا شکست انقلابها باشد.
The Islamic Revolution: The Competition Between
the Shah's Utopia and the Revolution's Utopia
Mohammad Samii*
Mahmoud Mohammadi**
Revolution can be understood as a competition between utopias that are articulated, on the one hand, by the established ruling order and, on the other, by revolutionary opponents for the masses. In the years leading up to the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the Pahlavi regime portrayed a bright future for Iranians, while revolutionary thinkers likewise articulated visions of the future and constructed their own utopias. In effect, the revolution was a competition between these two sets of utopian visions. This perspective, however, has received relatively little attention in analyses of the Islamic Revolution of Iran.
The present study, drawing on Karl Mannheim’s theory of ideology and utopia, examines and compares the utopian visions of the two principal opposing poles in the Islamic Revolution of Iran: Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, representing the ruling establishment, and the theorists of the revolution, namely Imam Khomeini, Morteza Motahhari, and Ali Shariati. The aim of this study is to analyze the role of utopian thought in the formation of the Islamic Revolution and to understand the fundamental differences between these two types of utopias. In this regard, the article seeks to determine how the utopias of these two poles differed from one another and why one proved successful, while the other failed, in attracting the support of the masses.
The findings of the study indicate that the utopia articulated by the theorists of the revolution, characterized by elements such as mystery and spirituality, flexibility of expression, revolutionary nature, and a strong capacity for popular mobilization, was able to provide a powerful driving force for the revolution. By contrast, the Shah’s utopia, although based on a modern blueprint and focused on development and the project of the “Great Civilization,” failed to achieve comparable success due to its worldly character, structural limitations, and lack of popular mobilization. This study underscores the importance of paying attention to utopian thought in the analysis of revolutions and demonstrates that differences in the nature and function of utopias can be a determining factor in the success or failure of revolutionary movements.
Keywords: Utopia, Imam Khomeini, Motahari, Shariati, Pahlavi.
- Introduction and Statement of the Problem
Utopia, in its literal sense, refers to an imaginary city that embodies perfection and beauty and offers human beings a life of happiness and fulfillment. From a sociological perspective, utopia is not merely a literary fantasy, but rather an ideal political society in which its inhabitants exist in a desirable and optimal condition. One of the principal conditions for the emergence of revolutions is precisely the articulation of such a utopia, since every revolution is inherently opposed to the existing order and projects a vision of a desirable future. This characteristic fully corresponds to what is referred to as utopian thought—an outlook that draws nourishment from deep dissatisfaction with the present and depicts human liberation in the future.
In the course of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, two rival models of utopia confronted one another. On the one hand, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, particularly in his book Toward the Great Civilization (1977), presented an image of a modern and advanced Iran as the inevitable future of the country. On the other hand, Muslim theorists and opponents of the regime constructed their utopia on the basis of religious values and social justice. The fundamental question of this research is why, despite the fact that both sides—the ruling establishment and the revolutionaries—possessed utopian visions, the utopia of the revolutionaries succeeded in mobilizing the masses, while the Shah’s utopia failed to attract popular support. Through a comparative examination of the views of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Imam Khomeini, Morteza Motahhari, and Ali Shariati, this study seeks to explain the reasons for this success and failure.
- Theoretical Framework: The Role of Utopia in Social Movements
The theoretical framework of this study is grounded in the relationship between dissatisfaction and change. According to theorists such as Sargent and Mannheim, the first defining feature of utopian works is revulsion toward society and suffering caused by the existing condition. Utopias typically reflect the objective circumstances of each society and articulate the problems of their time. In his book Ideology and Utopia, Karl Mannheim distinguishes between two forms of thought: ideology, which serves to preserve the existing order, and utopia, which functions as a catalyst for change and the improvement of social conditions.
Similarly, Melvin Lasky argues in Utopia and Revolution that utopian ideas can become powerful drivers of revolutionary transformation, provided that they resonate with social realities. On this basis, successful revolutionary utopias generally possess four key characteristics: (1) ambiguity and flexibility of expression, which allow different social groups to project their aspirations onto them; (2) a revolutionary and abrupt character, favoring fundamental transformation over gradual reform; (3) a non-governmental origin, emerging from within society rather than from above; and (4) a strong capacity for popular mobilization.
- Research Methodology
This study employs a qualitative comparative method based on case analysis. Through this approach, the researcher seeks to gain in-depth insight and provide a comprehensive description of social processes. Given the limited number of cases examined (four figures), this method makes it possible to analyze the deeper and often hidden layers of thought. To this end, a ten-dimensional comparative model has been developed, encompassing components such as origin, content, the role of religion, the position of the people, political system, social justice, means of realization, degree of ambiguity, responsiveness to the needs of the time, and mobilization capacity.
- Research Findings: Analysis of Competing Utopias
4.1. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s Utopia: The Great Civilization
The Shah’s utopia, promoted during the final years of his reign, had a distinctly governmental and top-down origin. He defined his goal as achieving the era of the “Great Civilization,” understood as providing the highest level of material and spiritual life through science and industry.
Content and political system: The Shah outlined his ideal system across four domains—political, economic, social, and educational. He emphasized “independent national policy” and the Rastakhiz Party, arguing that Western-style democracy led to fragmentation; therefore, he proposed a single-party model as a form of guided participation.
Religion and spirituality: Although the Shah emphasized Islam, he viewed it primarily as an ethical support for material modernization. He spoke of religious faith while simultaneously confronting what he described as “reactionary” forces.
Social justice: He conceived justice in terms of the White Revolution, profit-sharing with workers, and land reform. However, due to the authoritarian nature of these measures, they failed to establish an emotional bond with the masses.
Means of realization: His approach relied on gradual reform initiated by the state. His utopia lacked ambiguity, and its excessive clarity and focus on technical and administrative details left little room for collective imagination and hope.
4.2. Imam Khomeini’s Utopia: Islamic Government
Imam Khomeini’s thought emerged in reaction to the anti-Islamic policies of the Pahlavi regime and the penetration of Western culture. The origin of this utopia was revolutionary and bottom-up.
Content: In Kashf al-Asrar, Imam Khomeini described a religious state as a “paradise on earth,” to be established by the clergy. His goal was the implementation of Qur’anic law so that human happiness might be realized.
Political system and leadership: He founded his political vision on the principle of velayat-e faqih. In this model, the clergy function as the head in relation to the body of the state. Legislation was viewed as the exclusive right of God, and Western laws were dismissed.
The role of the people: Unlike the Shah’s model, Imam Khomeini regarded the people as the primary agents of change, believing that it was the masses who must rise up against unjust governments.
Mobilization capacity: By linking sacred concepts with promises of both worldly justice and otherworldly salvation, his utopia generated immense capacity for mass mobilization.
4.3. Morteza Motahhari’s Utopia: Historical Evolution and Mahdist Justice
Motahhari viewed utopia through the lens of the philosophy of history and movement toward perfection. He believed that every revolution is rooted in dissatisfaction with the present and aspiration for an ideal condition.
Content and justice: Motahhari emphasized the idea of a classless Islamic society—one free of oppression and tyranny, yet based on natural differences in talent. He accepted reciprocal interaction within society.
Political system: In his view, the jurist-ruler functions as an ideologue who oversees the correct implementation of ideology, rather than serving merely as an executive authority. He stressed intellectual freedom and open engagement with opposing ideas.
Religion and spirituality: Motahhari regarded spirituality as the core of society and warned that without justice and reasonable freedom, the Islamic Republic would fail. His utopia served as a prelude to the Mahdi’s uprising and the final perfection of history.
4.4. Ali Shariati’s Utopia: Ummah and Imamate
Shariati viewed human beings as inherently utopia-seeking and considered religion to be fundamentally utopian in nature. He reconstructed Islam as a liberating ideology.
Content: His utopia, termed the ummah, was a society founded upon three symbols: the Book (awareness), the Scale (justice), and Iron (power). He sought the realization of spirituality, freedom, and equality.
Political system: Shariati identified the organizing principle of the ummah as imamate and emphasized the role of the “responsible intellectual” as the successor to the prophets. He believed the intellectual must guide humanity from what is to what ought to be.
Social justice: He strongly opposed exploitation, despotism, and deception, envisioning a classless society in which human values replace material ones.
Mobilization capacity: Shariati’s symbolic language and use of figures such as Abu Dharr and Husayn endowed his discourse with exceptional power to mobilize youth and intellectuals against the established order.
- Analysis and Discussion: The Confrontation of Two Utopian Logics
Comparative analysis reveals several reasons why the Shah’s utopia was rejected while the revolutionaries’ utopia prevailed.
First, origin and nature: The Shah’s utopia was top-down and directive, viewing the people merely as executors of orders. In contrast, the revolutionaries’ utopia was bottom-up, emerging from the cultural and historical fabric of society.
Second, the role of religion and identity: The Shah treated religion as a decorative supplement to material development, conflicting with the deeply religious identity of Iranian society. Revolutionary leaders, by contrast, placed religion at the core of their utopia.
Third, clarity versus inspirational ambiguity: The Shah’s programmatic and technical approach lacked imaginative power, whereas revolutionary utopias were accompanied by a form of sacred ambiguity that enabled diverse groups to project their aspirations onto them.
Fourth, justice and the needs of the time: The Shah focused on material development but failed to connect it with spiritual and identity-based needs. Revolutionary thinkers addressed this crisis through a transcendent metaphysical framework.
Fifth, opportunity for realization: The Pahlavi regime had decades to implement its vision, whereas the revolutionaries benefited from the “purity of distance” from power, rendering their utopia untested and therefore more appealing.
- Conclusion
The comparative analysis demonstrates that the success of a utopia in becoming a revolutionary driving force depends on its alignment with the collective imagination of society. The revolutionaries’ utopia, grounded in spirituality, justice, and active participation, succeeded in mobilizing the masses. However, an examination of the decades following the revolution shows that every utopia faces serious challenges at the stage of implementation. The Pahlavi utopia failed due to its authoritarian nature and neglect of national-religious identity. The revolutionary utopia, while highly successful in mobilization and regime change, has encountered difficulties in translating lofty ideals into everyday realities.
The central lesson of this study is that utopias require flexibility and continuous adaptation to the needs of their time in order to endure. Victory in revolution was the product of the power of dreams, but lasting stability depends on the sincere realization of those dreams. The gap between utopia and reality is precisely where any utopian project risks a crisis of legitimacy.
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*Corresponding Author: Associate Professor, Department of Iranian Studies, Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.
5091-1704-0002-0000
**Ph.D. Student, Department of Iranian Studies, Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.
7317-3118-0003-0000
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