زنان و آزار جنسی در محیط کار
محورهای موضوعی : پژوهش مسائل اجتماعی ایران
فرشته زمانی
1
,
هدا حلاج زاده
2
,
فردین علیخواه
3
1 - دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد جامعهشناسی دانشگاه گیلان، ایران
2 - استادیار گروه جامعهشناسی دانشگاه گیلان، ایران
3 - دانشیار گروه جامعهشناسی، دانشگاه گیلان، ایران
کلید واژه: آزار جنسی, بیاعتمادی اجتماعی, زنان شاغل, مطالعه کیفی و رودسر.,
چکیده مقاله :
مطالعة حاضر با هدف تحلیل اجتماعی تجربة زیستة زنان شاغل از آزار جنسی در محیط کار انجام گرفته است. در این مطالعه از روش کیفی استفاده شده است. بدین منظور، 31 زن شاغل در دو حوزة رسمی و غیر رسمی (قضایی و فروشندگی) در شهر رودسر به شیوة نمونهگیری هدفمند انتخاب شدند. برای جمعآوری دادهها از مصاحبة نیمهاستاندارد و عمیق استفاده شده است. تجزیه و تحلیل دادهها به شیوة کدگذاری باز، محوری و گزینشی صورت گرفته است. طبق این فرایند، دادههای زیر استخراج شد: آزارهای جنسی کلامی: پیشنهادهای مکرر و یکطرفة لفظی و جنسی؛ آزارهای جنسی غیر کلامی: اشارات تبعیضآمیز جنسی؛ آزارهای فیزیکی: لمس کردن ناجور و نامناسب بدن؛ واکنشها پس از آزار جنسی: شخصی و محافظهکارانه، شخصی و کنشگرانه؛ پیامدهای آن: فشار روحی و روانی، انزوای اجتماعی و بیاعتمادی اجتماعی.
Women and Sexual Harassment in The Workplace
Fereshteh Zamani*
Hoda Hallajzadeh**
Fardin Alikhah***
This study aims to socially analyze the lived experiences of working women regarding sexual harassment in the workplace. A qualitative research method was employed for this investigation. A total of 31 working women from both formal and informal sectors (judicial and sales professions) in the city of Roudsar were selected through purposive sampling. Data were collected through semi-structured and in-depth interviews and analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding methods. The findings revealed three main forms of sexual harassment: verbal, non-verbal, and physical. Verbal harassment included repeated sexual propositions, persistent requests for mobile phone numbers, unsolicited expressions of affection, threats, and sexual innuendos. Non-verbal harassment involved sexist gestures, acts mimicking sexual behavior, and voyeurism. Physical harassment consisted of inappropriate touching, excessive proximity, and unwanted physical contact. The responses to these incidents varied, including personal avoidance, verbal reprimands, and proactive confrontations. In many cases, women perceived the harassment as normalized by society, while threats from the perpetrators, lack of evidence, and absence of witnesses complicated their ability to seek justice. The consequences of such harassment included psychological distress, social isolation, and a growing distrust of society.
Keywords: Violence, Sexual harassment, Sexual violence, Working women, Violence against women.
Extended abstract
Sexual abuse of women and violence against them have existed as long as the oldest myths (Raisi Sarteshnizi, 2002: 2). Violence against women is not an issue specific to one country or group but occurs across all nationalities, classes, and social groups (Khosravi, 2018: 20). Sexual harassment, one of the manifestations of violence against women and a form of gender discrimination, includes repeated and unilateral verbal and sexual propositions, catcalls, derogatory and implicitly sexual comments, and gender-discriminatory remarks that are distressing for the target, causing a sense of danger, humiliation, intimidation, or suffering (Ahmadi & Biwarani, 2016: 2; Ham & Gambel, 2003: 403). Women, regardless of their socio-economic status, experience sexual harassment, which has significant effects on the victims (Paknahad, 2013: 14). The common feature of all these behaviors is the dissatisfaction of the subject (women) and the harm to their spiritual integrity (Paknahad, 2013: 2).
The central issue of this research is the sexual harassment of working women. The research questions are as follows:
- What is the lived experience of women regarding sexual harassment in the workplace?
- What reactions do working women show to various forms of verbal, non-verbal, and physical sexual harassment in the workplace?
- What type of sexual harassment do working women most often experience in their workplace?
- What are the personal and social consequences of sexual harassment on the lives of working women?
The goal of this study was to understand and interpret working women's experiences of sexual harassment in the workplace and to categorize the types of sexual harassment. Thus, this research was conducted using a qualitative approach and interpretive paradigm, focusing on the lived experience of working women regarding sexual harassment in the workplace. The study population consisted of working women in the city of Rudsar. The inclusion criterion was employment in formal and informal workplaces in Rudsar. The participants were women working in various positions within the judiciary (court staff) and retail jobs. The sampling method was purposive and theoretical, with the selection criterion being at least one year of work experience and consent to participate in the research. The sample size was determined based on theoretical saturation, which reached 31 participants, with 17 working in the judiciary sector and 14 in retail positions.
Data collection was conducted using semi-structured and in-depth interviews. Interviews were conducted with a total of 31 participants. Data collection took place online. The data were analyzed using Colaizzi’s method (1987). Theoretical frameworks such as symbolic interactionism, feminist theory, and social learning theory were influential in guiding the research concerns and were used as references in the data analysis. Based on this process, the following data were extracted: Verbal harassment, such as unsolicited affection (despite the woman’s disinterest and denial), was prevalent in formal workplaces, such as those in the judiciary. The offering of friendship and insistence on it despite the woman's objections, as well as threats if the request was denied, verbal forms of sexual harassment identified in these workplaces. Verbal harassment in the form of insistence on obtaining the woman's phone number despite her disinterest was also common in informal workplaces such as retail. Another form of verbal harassment involved the use of sexual innuendos. This form of harassment was also prevalent in the mentioned work environments. Non-verbal harassment often took the form of lustful and lecherous glances in formal workplaces, such as legal positions. In informal workplaces like retail, it was characterized by pretending to perform sexual acts. Voyeurism and lingering, meaningful gazes were notable examples of non-verbal sexual harassment. Physical sexual harassment included unwarranted proximity to the woman and intentional touching of her body in formal workplaces, such as in legal jobs, and hand-touching in informal workplaces like retail. The harassment of getting too close to the woman was another form of physical harassment present in these environments. In response to verbal sexual harassment, employees in the judiciary sector often preferred to distance themselves from the perpetrator, employ personal behaviors such as becoming serious, giving verbal warnings, and dismissing the harassment as unimportant in front of the harasser. They believed that society does not consider such harassment by men towards women as a social issue, and this behavior is normalized. Other reasons for their responses (distance from the harasser and avoidance of the work environment) included disappointment with the reliability of legal authorities (police and courts) in pursuing such cases, as well as the threat from the harasser, who may hinder the woman’s career success if her request is not accepted. For non-verbal sexual harassment in formal workplaces, women in the judiciary sector often distanced themselves from the harasser, avoided eye contact, and took preventive measures like dressing appropriately at work. They decided not to engage with the harasser again, as they had no evidence to support the harassment. Complaints to legal authorities were seen as ineffective without proof and witnesses. In response to physical sexual harassment in formal workplaces, victims from the judiciary sector preferred to distance themselves from the perpetrator. In informal workplaces, such as retail, when faced with verbal sexual harassment, workers often prefer to discreetly remove the harasser from their environment. They cited fear of societal stigma as the reason for this reaction. Another reason for this response was the fear of retaliation from the harasser if a formal complaint was made. Additionally, the victim would sometimes threaten the harasser with reporting them to the police.
For non-verbal sexual harassment in informal workplaces, retail workers often preferred to react with indifference, such as ignoring the harasser, as they had no proof of the harassment and recognized that legal complaints require witnesses. In response to physical sexual harassment in informal workplaces, retail workers would often confront the harasser directly, removing them from the environment, as they believed that failure to act would make such harassment more widespread. The personal consequences of sexual harassment in formal workplaces included short-term stress and discomfort, along with long-term feelings of doubt, mistrust, and suspicion towards men in society. Social consequences included limiting social relationships in the workplace and a tendency to act coldly when interacting with male colleagues, thus distancing themselves from them. Experiencing sexual harassment in the workplace led to women limiting their work-related social interactions. In informal workplaces, the personal consequences of sexual harassment included persistent feelings of doubt, mistrust, and suspicion towards men in society, which were experienced by many retail workers. The social consequences in retail workplaces included decisions to quit the job and a constant lack of trust when making decisions about choosing a workplace or considering marriage. Although sexual harassment is considered a crime by law, with punishments for the perpetrators, women who are harassed often prefer to react conservatively, modifying their behavior and dress, passively limiting their contact with the harasser and avoiding the workplace. However, women can unite and collectively reject the harasser from their workplace. When women share their harassment experiences with each other, they create a supportive social network, which can act as a shield against future harassment. On the one hand, harassers are identified, and on the other, the awareness of other women about the different forms of sexual harassment is increased. Fear often causes individuals to retreat from their positions, but women can overcome the fear of societal stigma and prioritize their mental and physical well-being, reacting to sexual harassment accordingly. As long as there is no evidence or witnesses to support the harassment, the informal responses mentioned above can be seen as a form of resistance.
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* M.A in Sociology, University of Guilan, Iran.
** Corresponding Author: Assistant Professor of Sociology Department, University Guilan, Iran.
hhz_72@yahoo.com
*** Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Gilan University, Iran.
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